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Beyond the Eton Photograph: The Other Side of Britain's Royal Story

Prince George's first day at Eton has been presented as a charming royal family moment. But behind the photographs lies a much bigger story about inherited privilege, public money, property, power and the extraordinary distance between the lives of Britain's ruling establishmen

Beyond the Eton Photograph: The Other Side of Britain's Royal Story

Prince George's first day at Eton has been presented as a charming royal family moment. But behind the photographs lies a much bigger story about inherited privilege, public money, property, power and the extraordinary distance between the lives of Britain's ruling establishment and those of the people who ultimately fund the state.

Prince George arrived at Eton College on Tuesday accompanied by his parents, Prince William and Catherine, Princess of Wales.

The photographs were familiar: a proud mother, a smartly dressed father, a young boy beginning an important new chapter and the historic surroundings of one of Britain's most prestigious schools.

At 13, George is also second in line to the British throne.

Eton, founded by Henry VI in 1440, has educated generations of Britain's political and social elite, including 20 British prime ministers. Its annual fees are now around £65,000.

For George, however, Eton is not simply an expensive private school. It is another step in a life shaped from birth by constitutional position, inherited wealth and institutions that have existed for centuries.

And that is where the story becomes considerably more interesting.

The price of the royal system

Britain's monarchy is not simply a private family living on inherited wealth.

The Royal Household receives public funding through the Sovereign Grant. The grant for 2026/27 is £137.9 million.

The King also has private income from the Duchy of Lancaster, while Prince William receives income from the Duchy of Cornwall.

These arrangements are legal and publicly documented. The question is not whether the monarchy is technically entitled to receive them.

The question is whether the public considers the system fair.

For millions of British families, financial life looks very different.

They work, pay income tax, National Insurance, VAT and council tax, then face rent or mortgage payments, food bills, energy bills, transport costs and everything else required to keep a household running.

Many families are having to make difficult decisions about what they can afford.

At the same time, Britain continues to maintain an institution built around inherited position, inherited property and inherited wealth.

That contrast deserves more discussion than a photograph of a young prince entering school.

The Duchies: where public money meets royal property

The Duchy of Cornwall is particularly important because it provides income to the heir to the throne.

The Duchy controls a huge portfolio of land and property and conducts ordinary commercial transactions like any major estate.

But some of those transactions involve public bodies.

One of the most striking examples concerns Dartmoor Prison.

The Ministry of Justice agreed a long-term lease for the prison site with the Duchy of Cornwall. The annual rent is around £1.5 million.

The prison subsequently closed, yet the lease continued.

The arrangement has attracted criticism and questions about value for money.

There is nothing inherently wrong with a public body leasing property from a private or institutional landlord.

But when that landlord is the hereditary estate of the heir to the British throne, the arrangement naturally raises a wider question:

Should public money be flowing into hereditary estates controlled by one of the country's most powerful families?

That is not an anti-royal question.

It is a question about public money.

Who owns Britain?

The deeper issue is not one prison or one school.

It is the structure itself.

Britain has an extraordinary concentration of land, wealth and institutional influence in relatively few hands.

The Royal Family sits at the most visible end of that system.

The Crown Estate, the Duchies, royal residences and other historic property arrangements form part of an enormously valuable network of land and assets.

Yet ordinary people rarely have any comparable access to such inherited wealth.

A child born into an ordinary family begins life needing to build wealth.

A child born into the Royal Family begins life surrounded by it.

That distinction is not something George chose.

He is a child.

But it is something society can legitimately debate.

The privacy question

There is another irony in the Eton story.

The Royal Family has made clear that it wants George's education to take place largely away from public scrutiny. Signs have reportedly been placed around Windsor asking people not to photograph pupils.

That desire for privacy is understandable.

George is 13.

He deserves privacy.

But the same principle should apply to everyone.

Britain is increasingly moving towards a society in which ordinary people are expected to provide more information about themselves to institutions — identification, financial information, biometric information and personal data.

The argument frequently offered is that if someone has nothing to hide, they have nothing to fear.

But privacy is not something that should only belong to the powerful.

If privacy matters for a future king, it should matter for everyone.

The question of privilege

Supporters of the monarchy argue that the Royal Family provides continuity, diplomacy, tourism and a sense of national identity.

Those are legitimate arguments.

But there is another side.

The monarchy is hereditary.

Nobody votes for the person who becomes king.

Nobody votes for the family into which a future monarch is born.

George did not apply for his position.

He inherited it before he was born.

The same is true of much of the wealth and institutional access surrounding him.

That is precisely why the monarchy deserves scrutiny.

Not because George has done anything wrong.

Not because William or Catherine should be blamed for every problem in Britain.

But because democratic societies should be able to examine institutions that possess enormous wealth, privilege and influence.

And then there is the history

The Royal Family cannot be completely separated from Britain's imperial history.

For centuries, the British state controlled territories across the world.

Colonialism brought enormous wealth to Britain, while colonial populations experienced dispossession, exploitation, forced labour, violence and political domination in different forms and periods.

The consequences of that history remain subjects of political debate today.

That does not mean that today's members of the Royal Family personally committed the actions of people who lived centuries ago.

But it does mean that Britain's institutions should be willing to confront their history rather than presenting an entirely uncomplicated story of national greatness.

That debate is already happening.

Jamaica, for example, has pursued questions concerning Britain's historic role in slavery and reparations.

The argument is not going away simply because it is uncomfortable.

The Epstein question

Then there is the issue that has caused perhaps the greatest damage to the reputation of the modern Royal Family: Prince Andrew's association with Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell.

Andrew's relationship with Epstein is extensively documented.

Photographs have emerged showing Andrew with Epstein and Maxwell, and Andrew has faced allegations concerning Virginia Giuffre, allegations he denied. His civil case with Giuffre was settled in 2022 without an admission of liability.

More recently released material has generated renewed scrutiny of Andrew's relationship with Epstein and Maxwell.

Again, association does not automatically establish criminal responsibility.

That distinction matters.

But the public is entitled to ask why people with extraordinary wealth and influence were able to move within the same social circles as someone who was ultimately exposed as a convicted sex offender.

The question is not simply what happened.

It is also about access.

Who gets access to powerful people?

Who gets invited into palaces, estates and exclusive social circles?

And why do some people seem to operate in worlds completely inaccessible to ordinary citizens?

Two very different Britains

That may be the most important part of the story.

There is the Britain shown in the photographs.

Historic schools.

Palaces.

Beautiful estates.

Private rooms.

Royal ceremonies.

Inherited titles.

Generational wealth.

And then there is the Britain experienced by millions of ordinary people.

People working two jobs.

Parents worrying about food prices.

Families deciding whether they can afford to heat their homes.

Young people who cannot get onto the property ladder.

Workers paying taxes while watching the cost of almost everything increase.

Pensioners choosing between heating and other essentials.

These two Britains exist at the same time.

And increasingly, they can feel like completely different countries.

Does this mean the Royal Family should simply disappear?

That is ultimately a political question for the British public.

There are good arguments on both sides.

Supporters can point to tradition, diplomacy, charitable work, tourism and national identity.

Critics can point to hereditary privilege, public expenditure, inherited wealth, property arrangements and the principle that political status should not be determined by birth.

But one thing should not be controversial:

People should be allowed to examine the system critically.

They should be able to ask how much it costs.

They should be able to examine who owns what.

They should be able to investigate where public money goes.

They should be able to question hereditary privilege.

They should be able to examine Britain's imperial history.

They should be able to scrutinise relationships between powerful people.

And they should be able to compare the lives of those at the top with the lives of those at the bottom.

That is not hatred.

That is scrutiny.

So by all means, look at the photograph of Prince George walking into Eton.

Look at the proud parents.

Look at the historic buildings.

Look at the £65,000 school fees.

But don't stop there.

Look at the money.

Look at the land.

Look at the estates.

Look at the public funding.

Look at the history.

Look at the influence.

Look at the privileges inherited simply by being born into the right family.

And then look at the life of the ordinary person who ultimately pays into the system.

The question isn't what you are supposed to think.

The question is whether, after seeing the whole picture, you think the system is fair.